From Moves#68 HOLY WAR: AFGHANISTAN DESIGNER'S NOTES by Joseph Miranda This should have been called "Strategy & Tactics' Long Road to Kabul." I was originally commissioned to design Afghanistan in the spring of 1988, long before I became editor of S&T. I put together the initial design quite easily. The situation seemed to be made for wargames. Excellent orders of battle were available. The original game system used multiple impulses with the defender being allowed to react to show guerrilla operations. You could push an offensive as far as you wanted, if you were prepared to pay the cost. Control of provinces was accounted for by an off-map roster. The problem was that it was too realistic-players ended up with a stalemate, with the Communists controlling the cities and the Resistance the high ground. Afghanistan ended up going through two major redesigns until we came up with the current system. The basic problem was trying to catch the spirit of the war in Afghanistan, the constantly shifting sands of alliances, loyalties, and battles. The game gives the players the chance to step into the role of either the Resistance leadership in exile or the Kabul government. I ended up using a lot of simple play mechanics, most notably the picking of political markers, to simulate a wide range of political, diplomatic, cultural and military factors. The idea was to minimize the complexity, and keep the game from being turned into a mass of charts and status displays. (The political marker subsystem owes much to Jim Dunnigan's Russian Civil War game, I should note.) Units are evaluated for the three essential areas of insurgency warfare: combat, intelligence and political subversion capability. There is a trade-off here, as generally the stronger the unit, the lower its intelligence factor. The attacker uses the lowest intelligence value unit when setting UP intelligence factors because if you go charging into a guerrilla situation with heavy divisions, the enemy will know you are coming ahead of time. I amalgamated a number of unit types in the order of battle. Secret police units, for example, represent intelligence, security and border guard forces. On the game scale the distinctions are minimal. Given the fluctuations of unit strengths and capabilities throughout the war, a too-precise order of battle would have tripled the number of counters to no real advantage. Why do all terrain types cost one movement factor? Within the time period of a turn (three months) a unit could reasonably get across the entire country. The real problem was getting through enemy controlled areas. Holy War shows why the war in Afghanistan developed the way it did. The trade-off is between using your political strengths (quantified in agitprop markers) to build your own side's loyalties, or for undermining the enemy's. The game also shows the development of the Soviet army in the 1980s. It starts as a fairly conventional mechanized force, but is changed to a much more flexible one as the game progresses. The Soviets learned a lot from Afghanistan (although, they did not learn enough in the end to save their own system from collapse). The populated hexes were a late addition to the game system. We came up with several different ways to show popular support in the countryside, and this one worked out the best. The political situation in Afghanistan was somewhat different from other insurgencies. Here, pretty much the entire population was in arms against the government (along Afghan tradition). Unlike, say. the Indochinese or Central American insurgencies, there wasn't a centralized rebel political infrastructure to rally the people. This also had its disadvantages for the Resistance, because the movement fragmented into an array of locally based movements. A word or two about the Political Action Markers. Notice that there is a greater chance of drawing the Resistance Disunity and Government Purge markers if their respective sides are winning. This reflects the tendency of Afghanis to turn to fighting each other for control when things were going well. The combat system integrates both intelligence and different types of tactics. As in reality, whoever has superior intelligence can determine the pace of fighting. The use of non-simultaneous CRTs gives Holy War a slightly tactical flavor, and gives players some selection in their operations. I included the Rapid Deployment Force more to give the game variation than because of any historical probability of the U.S. and its allies intervening. The U.S. "Task Force Afghanistan" represents an ad hoc combination of a brigade each from the 82nd Airborne and 101st Air Assault divisions, plus support units, used for rapid response. One of the questions raised about the game is "why can guerrilla units use the Conventional combat results tables, and conventional units use the Guerrilla?" In a sense, there is no basic difference between a guerrilla and a regular soldier: both are a man (or woman) with a gun. The difference comes in training and source of support. The way the combat system is set up, these differences are demonstrated. Units have both an intelligence and a combat factor. The intelligence factor could just as well be called "contact" factor, the ability to determine the pace of fighting. In most guerrilla conflicts, guerrillas initiate around 80 per cent of all firefights. They hit and then run. They do not stand and fight because to do so would mean getting slaughtered by superior enemy firepower. In the game, the higher intelligence factor of the guerrilla-type units (as well as special forces and other light infantry) reflect this. Generally, guerrillas will be able to determine the course of individual battles, because in the game, whoever has intelligence superiority gets to fire first. And, generally, it is better for them to use the guerrilla combat results table, in as, much as this allows them to hit and then run through use of the mobile war (M) result. They can actually leave the hexes from which they are fighting, in effect canceling the enemy's ability to fire back. On the other hand, conventional forces will find that the conventional table is generally better to use. Assuming the enemy sticks around, conventional units will want to inflict maximum casualties, and the Conventional CRT is better for this. The critical thing is that the game does not force the situation. While it is generally better for guerrilla units to use the Guerrilla Table, and conventional units the Conventional, players can gain an unexpected tactical victory. Historically, guerrilla units have tried to employ conventional tactics, and regular units guerrilla, usually without much success. The Resistance's 1989 Jalalabad offensive was pretty much smashed when the guerrillas came out into the open by superior Communist firepower. The way the CRTs are set up, they favor, but do not force, historical tactics. For example, the Guerrilla Table usually works best when a player has a smaller number of units; this makes the chances of being able to hit and run far greater. If using a larger number of combat factors, it is better to use the Conventional table. I used a similar approach on the strategic level. Guerrillas gain benefits from having the local populace support them. In the game, this is reflected by giving the side which controls a hex bonuses for intelligence and combat (as well as providing supply and impeding enemy movement). But, again, this is not fixed. A player can shift support in a hex to his side by subverting it. This gives the players an opportunity to change the strategic conditions which give guerrillas their advantage in the first place. Once a player has converted (or terrorized) populated hexes in an area, the enemy will find it increasingly difficult to operate in it. The Optional rules allow players to manipulate the game more. The multiple impulse rule changes the game's level from strategic to operational. The biggest limitation was the counter mix. We had to keep it to 200 counters. Originally, units were brigade level. In the final game, we combined a number of brigades/regiments into divisions. We also had units representing bases, convoys and caravans. They ended up being dumped, and all the details subsumed into the Supply rule. In the long term this works better, as it keeps the game manageable. In the Basic Game, units do not pay terrain costs because each turn represents a season; in that time, a unit could easily march across the entire map. The movement rates in the Basic Game actually represent the ability of a unit to shift its center of operations more than movement per se. However, when using the multiple impulses rule, movement more closely resembles cross country capability; therefore, units pay terrain costs. The movement penalty for entering an enemy controlled hex represents the political costs of moving, not the military. All this was part of the design philosophy for Holy War. The idea was to give the players the strategic situation. It's a two-front war: political and military. Player's Notes You have to keep yourself organized. The most important thing is remembering that, ultimately, the Political Index will determine the course of die game. The more it is in your favor, the more Political markers you will draw and, hence the better your capability to mobilize and enhance operations. It goes without saying (but I'll say it anyway) that ALL military operation., have to have a political goal in mind. Wandering around the map and killing enemy units at random is the path to defeat. You have three basic types of units: military, political and intelligence. Use each to its best abilities (for example, using secret police groups to hunt down enemy cadres), but at the same time have all three types in an area of operations to support each other. For the Communist player, your military forces have several missions, in this order: safeguarding vital populated areas, working with the political forces, and keeping the enemy dispersed. Often it is better to occupy key cities with stronger units than attempting to engage the enemy. In the long term, this will rack in more political points. Do not give up cities without a fight---once you have lost one, it may be impossible to get it back. When you have secured an area gradually expand. Use subversion-capable units to convert more hexes to your side. Gaining control of the populace is one of the paths to victory. Given that the defender will have the advantage of a shift for controlling a hex, often the best way to convert an area is to first terrorize it with military units, then attempt a conversion. Afghanistan can be divided into several geographical areas of operations: Kabul (and its surrounding environs) , the Hindu Kush (the high mountains down the center of the map), the northern tier (adjoining the USSR), the south (the generally clear desert terrain), and the Pakistani frontier. For the Communists, it is a must to secure Kabul. If you lose it, there goes the country. The northern tier is also important for maintaining your communications with the Soviet Union. Once these two areas are cleared of Resistance controlled hexes, take the offensive. Do not try to fight everywhere at once, because you do not have the resources. The city of Qandahar is a key position, and serves as a linchpin of the southeastern area of the country. It is worth fighting for, even if it becomes isolated. For the Resistance, you have several tasks at hand. The first is to build a sufficient force of cadres to mobilize your units. Keep up the pressure on government forces through subversion attacks. As was true historically, you can use subversion to cause government forces to melt away. The Soviets are a lot tougher to take on, and it is better to avoid them, at least in the early stages of the game. Once you have worn the Communists down both militarily and politically, strike for several major cities to force their final collapse. Tactically, both sides have advantages. The Communist player should use airpower and airmobility as much as possible to remain flexible and strike at Resistance forces in their secure areas. The Resistance can use his superior intelligence capabilities to fight only on his own terms. Both sides should try to fight in friendly controlled hexes, because this will give favorable combat shifts. As is true in any insurgency, players in Holy War are in for the long haul. It will take several turns for operations to have a payoff, and massive "decisive blows" will dissipate. Several of the Political markers, if played judiciously, will give players a chance to win (or lose) the game in a turn or two. These include the Jihad, Socialist Revolution and Soviet Offensive. Also, if the Resistance can get the Rapid Deployment Force, he can strike hard and fast, at least before the negative Political Index modifiers kick in. Finally, I would like to extend a hearty congratulations to everybody involved with Holy War: Afghanistan, most notably developers Paul Dangel and Keith Schlesinger. NB submitted by John Kula (kula@telus.net) on behalf of the Strategy Gaming Society (http://pages.about.com/strategygames/), originally collected by Andrew Webber (gbm@wwwebbers.com)